The Chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, recently praised the resilience of Ghana politicians, like (part-time Nigerian and) former President John Mahama, who remained with his party despite losing the 2017 presidential election, until he was re-elected President of Ghana two weeks ago.
Yakubu observed: “Rarely in Ghana do you see people moving from one party to another with every general election… It provides stability. It also provides their supporters (with) stability. So, there are people who have supported political parties for years. So, whether the party is in power or opposition, they stick to the political party.”
The professor is probably unaware of former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke’s opinion that Nigeria did not quite have political parties in the classical sense, but some kind of special-purpose vehicles used by politicians to get political offices.
Maybe the strength of the Ghana electoral process is in the provision for independent candidates in its Constitution, which also does not require candidates to belong to or be presented by political parties to contest elections. An independent candidate won a parliamentary seat in Ghana’s 2020 general elections.
Another possible cause of the stability of Ghana’s political parties is that independent candidates, who obviously do not belong to the ruling party or the main opposition political party, can become principal officers in Ghana’s legislature.
These two allowances may be the reason Ghanaian politicians do not cross the political carpet. In the 8th parliament of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Asaimah Iddrisu, an independent candidate, became a minority leader, instead of a member of the main opposition, the National Democratic Congress.
In Britain, Betty Boothroyd and Michael Martin, members of the Labour Party, served as Speaker whereas the Prime Minister was a member of the Conservative Party. Also, John Bercow of the Conservative Party was Speaker of the parliament under Labour and Conservative prime ministers.
The Chairman of the British Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, which ensures scrutiny, accountability and oversight checks over public expenditure and the government’s financial management, is usually appointed from the opposition party.
Even if the appointment of Prof Yakubu as INEC Chairman will prevent him from counselling Nigeria’s National Assembly to amend the Constitution to allow independent candidates to contest for public offices, his pedigree as a professor of history and international relations should persuade him to tutor them on the expediency of such an act.
His specialisation in guerrilla warfare would have adequately prepared him to survive the treacherous terrain of messing around with the constitutional device that protects the privileges of members of Nigeria’s political establishment.
Nigeria’s political elite has cleverly woven Sections 65(2b), 106(b), 131(c) and 177(c) into the Constitution so that “A person shall be qualified for election… as (federal legislator, state legislator, President of Nigeria and State Governor only) if he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party.”
Nigeria’s political parties have become a quilt of secret societies and political cartels that dispense political offices as privileges to anointed vassals, who will play ball as dictated. That anointing system is aptly captured in the Yoruba phrase, “Baba so’pe”, or the big boss has proclaimed.
In addition to commending “the process and the outcome so far”, and pledging “to continue to support our colleagues in Ghana’s Electoral Commission”, Prof Yakubu attributed the success of the election to Ghana’s adoption of Nigeria’s system of announcing election results at the constituency level.
Hitherto, election results throughout Ghana, be they presidential or legislative, were forwarded to the headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission in Accra, from where they will be centrally announced to Ghanaians.
Of what special value is the announcement of election results at the constituency level? Perhaps collation and announcement of results at the constituency level may prevent scoundrels from switching election results before they get to the Accra headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission.
But that is not really something to beat the chest about; there is no big deal about where election results are announced, especially in a country like Ghana, with a population of a mere 35 million citizens, in a small land area of 239,567 square kilometres.
Some think that Prof Yakubu’s much ado about nothing concerning Ghana’s successful election was just a ploy to divert attention from the institutional weaknesses of his INEC, which has generally held disputed elections.
Prof Yakubu must find a way to erase INEC’s liability of trust deficit by striving to conduct, especially presidential and gubernatorial, elections in a more credible manner and to the satisfaction of the electorate and the candidates.
It is a shame that candidates need court judgements to validate the elections they fought for and won through expensive and sometimes violent political campaigns. Unfortunately, the need for the judiciary to validate election results comes with its own challenges.
Apart from practically compromising the operations of democratic processes—from party memberships to party primaries, elections, collations, announcements and swearing-in of winners of elections—it turns the spotlight on judicial officers.
Unfortunately, many of the judges, who have been compromised by the temptations dangled at them by the political elites who want to be in elective offices by all means, have lost the dignity and self-respect associated with their offices.
It is a matter of grave regret that the judiciary, the temple of justice, is so morally challenged that it almost commands no iota of respect from within its hallowed chambers or among the citizens who have to bear the brunt of a system that delivers judgement without justice.
The other day, the new Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, felt so challenged that she was compelled to practically make an undertaking that her Supreme Court, and the National Judicial Council that she heads, shall actively look for ways to sanitise the judiciary system.
That is commendable, and it shows that the judiciary that she wants to lead will be a listening and sensitive one, though it is in the enlightened best interest of their lordships to run a clean stable. If the judiciary regains its respect, the consequence will be an ability to deliver and guarantee the rule of law upon which Nigeria’s democracy will rest.
Nigerians of the older generation remember, with fond nostalgia, judiciary icons, like Justices Kayode Esho, Chukwudife Oputa, Louis Mbanefo, Akinola Aguda, Darnley Alexander, Mustapha Akanbi, Augustine Nnamani, Olakunle Orojo, Idowu Conrad Taylor and Rosaline Omotosho, who all made indelible marks in the delivery of justice in Nigeria.
Of course, Nigerians also remember those judges who awarded the twelve two-thirds judgment to a preferred presidential candidate and those who brought a governorship candidate from a fourth position right to the first, to become a substantive two-term governor of a state!
If Prof Yakubu’s INEC handles its part of the election exercise without blemish, election contestants will not need to approach the courts for “unnecessary begging” for justice. A lot depends on the INEC, to whom so much financial and moral resources are entrusted.
Above all, the moral weight upon whoever is the chairman of INEC is probably heavier than that on the chief justice of the federation when it comes to elections. If INEC impeccably does its job, their lordships will have no place in the electoral arena.
Yakubu on Ghana’s elections
The Chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, recently praised the resilience of Ghana politicians, like (part-time Nigerian and) former President John Mahama, who remained with his party despite losing the 2017 presidential election, until he was re-elected President of Ghana two weeks ago.
Yakubu observed: “Rarely in Ghana do you see people moving from one party to another with every general election… It provides stability. It also provides their supporters (with) stability. So, there are people who have supported political parties for years. So, whether the party is in power or opposition, they stick to the political party.”
The professor is probably unaware of former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke’s opinion that Nigeria did not quite have political parties in the classical sense, but some kind of special-purpose vehicles used by politicians to get political offices.
Maybe the strength of the Ghana electoral process is in the provision for independent candidates in its Constitution, which also does not require candidates to belong to or be presented by political parties to contest elections. An independent candidate won a parliamentary seat in Ghana’s 2020 general elections.
Another possible cause of the stability of Ghana’s political parties is that independent candidates, who obviously do not belong to the ruling party or the main opposition political party, can become principal officers in Ghana’s legislature.
These two allowances may be the reason Ghanaian politicians do not cross the political carpet. In the 8th parliament of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Asaimah Iddrisu, an independent candidate, became a minority leader, instead of a member of the main opposition, the National Democratic Congress.
In Britain, Betty Boothroyd and Michael Martin, members of the Labour Party, served as Speaker whereas the Prime Minister was a member of the Conservative Party. Also, John Bercow of the Conservative Party was Speaker of the parliament under Labour and Conservative prime ministers.
The Chairman of the British Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, which ensures scrutiny, accountability and oversight checks over public expenditure and the government’s financial management, is usually appointed from the opposition party.
Even if the appointment of Prof Yakubu as INEC Chairman will prevent him from counselling Nigeria’s National Assembly to amend the Constitution to allow independent candidates to contest for public offices, his pedigree as a professor of history and international relations should persuade him to tutor them on the expediency of such an act.
His specialisation in guerrilla warfare would have adequately prepared him to survive the treacherous terrain of messing around with the constitutional device that protects the privileges of members of Nigeria’s political establishment.
Nigeria’s political elite has cleverly woven Sections 65(2b), 106(b), 131(c) and 177(c) into the Constitution so that “A person shall be qualified for election… as (federal legislator, state legislator, President of Nigeria and State Governor only) if he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party.”
Nigeria’s political parties have become a quilt of secret societies and political cartels that dispense political offices as privileges to anointed vassals, who will play ball as dictated. That anointing system is aptly captured in the Yoruba phrase, “Baba so’pe”, or the big boss has proclaimed.
In addition to commending “the process and the outcome so far”, and pledging “to continue to support our colleagues in Ghana’s Electoral Commission”, Prof Yakubu attributed the success of the election to Ghana’s adoption of Nigeria’s system of announcing election results at the constituency level.
Hitherto, election results throughout Ghana, be they presidential or legislative, were forwarded to the headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission in Accra, from where they will be centrally announced to Ghanaians.
Of what special value is the announcement of election results at the constituency level? Perhaps collation and announcement of results at the constituency level may prevent scoundrels from switching election results before they get to the Accra headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission.
But that is not really something to beat the chest about; there is no big deal about where election results are announced, especially in a country like Ghana, with a population of a mere 35 million citizens, in a small land area of 239,567 square kilometres.
Some think that Prof Yakubu’s much ado about nothing concerning Ghana’s successful election was just a ploy to divert attention from the institutional weaknesses of his INEC, which has generally held disputed elections.
Prof Yakubu must find a way to erase INEC’s liability of trust deficit by striving to conduct, especially presidential and gubernatorial, elections in a more credible manner and to the satisfaction of the electorate and the candidates.
It is a shame that candidates need court judgements to validate the elections they fought for and won through expensive and sometimes violent political campaigns. Unfortunately, the need for the judiciary to validate election results comes with its own challenges.
Apart from practically compromising the operations of democratic processes—from party memberships to party primaries, elections, collations, announcements and swearing-in of winners of elections—it turns the spotlight on judicial officers.
Unfortunately, many of the judges, who have been compromised by the temptations dangled at them by the political elites who want to be in elective offices by all means, have lost the dignity and self-respect associated with their offices.
It is a matter of grave regret that the judiciary, the temple of justice, is so morally challenged that it almost commands no iota of respect from within its hallowed chambers or among the citizens who have to bear the brunt of a system that delivers judgement without justice.
The other day, the new Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, felt so challenged that she was compelled to practically make an undertaking that her Supreme Court, and the National Judicial Council that she heads, shall actively look for ways to sanitise the judiciary system.
That is commendable, and it shows that the judiciary that she wants to lead will be a listening and sensitive one, though it is in the enlightened best interest of their lordships to run a clean stable. If the judiciary regains its respect, the consequence will be an ability to deliver and guarantee the rule of law upon which Nigeria’s democracy will rest.
Nigerians of the older generation remember, with fond nostalgia, judiciary icons, like Justices Kayode Esho, Chukwudife Oputa, Louis Mbanefo, Akinola Aguda, Darnley Alexander, Mustapha Akanbi, Augustine Nnamani, Olakunle Orojo, Idowu Conrad Taylor and Rosaline Omotosho, who all made indelible marks in the delivery of justice in Nigeria.
Of course, Nigerians also remember those judges who awarded the twelve two-thirds judgment to a preferred presidential candidate and those who brought a governorship candidate from a fourth position right to the first, to become a substantive two-term governor of a state!
If Prof Yakubu’s INEC handles its part of the election exercise without blemish, election contestants will not need to approach the courts for “unnecessary begging” for justice. A lot depends on the INEC, to whom so much financial and moral resources are entrusted.
Above all, the moral weight upon whoever is the chairman of INEC is probably heavier than that on the chief justice of the federation when it comes to elections. If INEC impeccably does its job, their lordships will have no place in the electoral arena.
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